Philosophy Study, June 2023, Vol. 13, No. 6, 248-251
doi: 10.17265/2159-5313/2023.06.002
D
DAVID PUBLISHING
The Haitian Revolution: An Insignificant Revolution?
Paul C. Mocombe
West Virginia State University, West Virginia, USA
This work posits that the Haitian Revolution became an insignificant Revolution the minute that it was usurped
by the Affranchis class, the mulatto elites and petit-bourgeois creole blacks, seeking equality of opportunity,
recognition, and distribution with their former colonial masters, from the Africans who commenced the event on
the night of August 14th, 1791. Whereas the Africans, I conclude, sought total freedom from the mercantilist and
liberal order of the whites, which made the Haitian Revolution significant, the vindicationism sought by the
Affranchis class undermined the agential initiatives of the Africans rendering the Revolution revolutionarily
insignificant.
Keywords: African-Americanization, phenomenological structuralism, Vodou, Religiosity, Black Diaspora,
dialectical, anti-dialectical, Haitian Epistemology, Vilokan/Haitian Idealism
Introduction
The Haitian Revolution commenced on August 14th, 1791, at a place called Bois Caïman, Haiti, and lasted
for 13 years culminating with Jean-Jacques Dessalines’s declaration of independence in 1804. The traditional
interpretation of the revolution is that representatives of 21 African nations met at the Bois Caïman site to discuss
the denouement of the revolution and appoint its military leaders who would eventually liberate the island from
racial slavery and French rule (Fick, 1990; Du Bois, 2004; 2012; Mocombe, 2016; 2017; 2019). This classic
Hegelian interpretation of the Revolution is a liberal reading, which highlights the purposive-rationality of the
mulatto elites and petit-bourgeois blacks, Affranchis, of the island who would go on to assume leadership roles
in the revolution and write its history (Nicholls, 1979). In doing so, in both their writings on the revolution and
the policies they would push forth on the island, they rendered the Haitian Revolution an insignificant revolution
with an emphasis on racial vindicationism and the ability of blacks to assume the agential initiatives of their
former slavemasters for equality of opportunity, recognition, and distribution at the expense of the majority of
the Africans on the island seeking liberation from the mercantilist and liberal order established on the backbone
of racial and wage slavery (James, 1986; Du Bois, 2004; Mocombe, 2016). In the place of the latter systemicity,
the Africans sought to establish a communal way of living based on the lakou system of their Vodou Ethic and
the spirit of communism (subsistence agricultural production and living, harmony, and balance), while the
Affranchis sought to continue the mercantile and liberal order, without (racial) slavery, for equality of opportunity,
recognition, and distribution with their white counterparts (Mocombe, 2016; 2017; 2019). The latter, liberal order,
for the most part, favored by the majority of the mulatto-elites invested in export/import trade; and the former,
Paul C. Mocombe, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy and Sociology, West Virginia State University, West
Virginia, USA; President of The Mocombeian Foundation, Inc., USA.
THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION: AN INSIGNIFICANT REVOLUTION?
249
mercantile (protectionist) order, supported by the majority of the petit-bourgeois blacks (under the umbrella of
black nationalism) invested in large-scale agricultural production (Nicholls, 1979; Du Bois, 2012).
This work argues that the usurpation of the Haitian Revolution by the Affranchis, petit-bourgeois black
(creole) landowners and mulatto elites, from the Africans on the island seeking total freedom from the
mercantilism and emerging liberalism of the capitalist world-system under European and Affranchis hegemony,
rendered it (the Haitian Revolution) an insignificant black bourgeois revolution focused on racial vindicationism
and equality of opportunity, recognition, and distribution with whites within the denouement of the
aforementioned systemicity. The latter move placed the Revolution on par with the American one, which was a
counterrevolution to the abolition of slavery and the slave trade under mercantilism and liberalism (Horne, 2014).
The work concludes: Had the Revolution remained under either the directorship of the African leadership seeking
to implement their (communal) lakou system throughout the island, or Dessalines’s Kojèveian (1980) synthesis,
it would have been a significant revolution offering a counter systemicity to the Protestant/Catholic Ethic and the
spirit of capitalism under European and American hegemony. However, the death of Dessalines, and the
subsequent migration of the Africans to the mountains and provinces of the island maintained Haiti in a perpetual
master/slave dialectic with the Affranchis seeking to integrate the Africans as a cheap labor source in the
mercantile and neoliberal capitalist order under European and American hegemony (Du Bois, 2012).
Background of the Problem
Traditional interpretations of the Haitian Revolution attempt to understand the sociohistorical phenomena
within the negative dialectical and dialectical logic of Hegel’s master/slave dialectic of the Affranchis who were
seeking racial vindication against (racial) slavery and its discriminatory affects (James, 1986; Du Bois, 2004;
2012; Buck-Morss, 2009; Mocombe, 2016). In other words, from this perspective the Revolution represents a
dialectical and negative dialectical struggle by the enslaved Africans, who have internalized the (liberal) rules of
their masters, for equality of opportunity, recognition, and distribution within and using the metaphysical
discourse of their former white masters to either remain slaves (the dialectical position) or convict them (the
negative dialectical position) for not identifying with their norms, rules, and values as recursively organized and
reproduced by the Africans who are now blacks. Although, historically this dialectical, and its negative dialectical
counterpart, understanding holds true for the mulattoes and free petit-bourgeois (creole) blacks or Affranchis
who, interpellated and embourgeoised by whites, used the language of the declaration to push forth their efforts
to gain liberty, equality, fraternity with their white counterparts as slaveholders and masters as brilliantly
highlighted by Du Bois (2004). This racial vindicationist position, I posit here, is not an accurate representation
of the antidialectical purposive-rationality of the majority of the Africans, and their leadership, who met at Bois
Caïman, the originating moments of the Haitian Revolution. Unlike the majority of the Affranchis, the majority
of the Africans were and remained in their original non-circular and antidialectical position of their encountering
with the white French and Affranchis. They were choosing and chose death, over the master/slave dialectic as
instituted by either the French or the Affranchis, for an alternative systemicity grounded in their Vodou Ethic and
the spirit of communism, not racial vindicationism. That is, their fight was for an alternative form of system and
social integration, the Lakou system of the Vodou Ethic and the spirit of communism, against the liberal and
mercantilist capitalism of the whites and Affranchis, not for equality of opportunity, recognition, and distribution
(Fick, 1990; Du Bois, 2004; 2012; Mocombe, 2016).
250
THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION: AN INSIGNIFICANT REVOLUTION?
Theory and Method
This work, using the case of the Africans of the Haitian Revolution, positions Mocombe’s (2019) theory of
antidialectic within Hegel’s and Kojève’s dialectical reasonings to argue against this classic liberal reading of the
Affranchis and white bourgeois scholars. Mocombe posits that the non-circular and antidialectical position in
Hegel’s dialectic is the position of each self-consciousness when they initially encounter each other at the onset
of the master/slave dialectic. Whereas the master seeks to move from their antidialectical to the dialectical
position in order to dominate and eliminate the original (antidialectical) position of the slave, the slave, in the
logic of Kojève (1980), remains in this non-circular and antidialectical position so long as they choose death and
seek to fight against their enslavement for the purpose of maintaining and reproducing their original,
antidialectical, position, which is social, political, ideological, and economic. In any other instances, they (the
slaves) are either in the dialectical or negative dialectical positions. In the former position, dialectical, the slave
seeks to maintain the status quo in order to stay alive; in the latter, negative dialectical position (which is itself
still a dialectical position), made famous by the theorists of the Frankfurt School, the slave seeks to integrate the
status quo by convicting the master for not identifying with their (antidialectical) values, ideas, and ideals as it
should be applied to not only the master but the slave, who has attained self-consciousness within the dialectic,
as well. The latter two positions, I want to argue here, represent the purposive-rationality of the Affranchis, which
rendered the Haitian Revolution insignificant as they sought to dialectically and negative dialectically recursively
organize and reproduce the purposive-rationality of their former slavemasters by convicting their former masters
for not living up to their values, ideas, and ideals given their discriminatory effects against blacks who embody
these values, ideas, and ideals. However, the former, antidialectical position, is the purposive-rationality of the
African nations who commenced the revolution at Bois Caïman, and is the only instance in recorded history
where the slaves chose death (and continues to do so in Haiti’s mountains and provinces), contrary to Kojève’s
reading of Hegel and the French Revolution, in order to eliminate (rendering it non-circular) the dialectical and
negative dialectical relation that is the master/slave dialectic. Jean-Jacques Dessalines following the Revolution
attempted to synthesize the antidialectical position of the Africans (the Vodou Ethic and the spirit of communism)
with the dialectical and negative dialectical positions (the Protestant/Catholic Ethic and the spirit of capitalism)
of the Affranchis; however, his assassination by the latter negated his Kojèveian attempt, and Haiti and its
revolution were rendered insignificant as it became a racial vindicationist project seeking equality of opportunity,
recognition, and distribution with whites within the systemicity of the capitalist world-system.
Discussion and Conclusions
Jean-Jacques Dessalines’s assassination returned Haiti back to its original 1791 position structured by the
liberal and mercantilist capitalism of the Affranchis, the new masters who replaced the French, on the one hand;
and the communal lakouism of the Africans—who refused their slave status as the Affranchis attempted to
reestablish—in the mountains and provinces of the country where they relocated to following the death of
Dessalines, on the other (Du Bois, 2004; 2012; Mocombe, 2016; 2017). Haiti since has been in this master/slave
dialectical position unable to move forward given the racial class animus of the Affranchis, now supplemented
by an Arab elite, against the Africans, which they are attempting to interpellate and embourgeois for capital
accumulation, exploitation, and racial vindication. Today, Haiti is a periphery (vassal) state within the global
capitalist world-system under American hegemony within this continuous and circular dialectical and negative
THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION: AN INSIGNIFICANT REVOLUTION?
251
dialectical struggle of the Affranchis, now augmented with a Syrian/Arab minority, who, contemporarily, are
seeking to integrate Haiti in the capitalist world-system through tourism, sports and entertainment, and industrial
production against the lakou system of the Vodou Ethic and the spirit of communism—their original
antidialectical position, where subsistence living via agricultural production is emphasized—of the majority of
the Africans who are dominated and led by a black professional managerial class seeking wealth through the
control of the latter processes by securing authority and legitimation of the political process and its ideological
apparatuses.
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