Hofstede’s value dimensions (1)
1. Individualism—collectivism
Although Hofstede is often given credit for investigating the concepts
of individualism and collectivism, he is not the only scholar who has
researched these crucial intercultural dimensions. Triandis, for example,
has derived an entire cross-cultural research agenda that focuses on these
concepts. Therefore , we use Hofstede’s work as our basic organizational
scheme; we also examine the findings of Triandis and others. Although we
speak of individualism and collectivism as if they are separate entities,
it is important to keep in mind that all people and cultures have both
individual and collective dispositions.
Having already discussed individualism earlier in the chapters, we
need only touch on some of its constituents: the individual is the single
most important unit in any social setting, regardless of the size of that
unit, and the uniqueness of each individual is of paramount value.
According to Hofstede’s findings, the United States, Australia, Great
Britain, Canada, the Netherlands, and New Zealand tend toward
individualism.
In cultures that tend toward individualism, an “I” consciousness
prevails: competition rather than cooperation is encouraged; personal
goals take precedence over group goals; people tend not to be emotionally
dependent on organizations and institutions; and every individual has the
right to his or her private property, thoughts, and opinions. These
cultures stress individual initiative and achievement, and they value
individual decision making. When thrust into a situation that demands a
decision, people from cultures that stress this trait are often at odds
with people from collective cultures.
Collectivism is characterized by a rigid social framework that
distinguishes between in-groups and out-groups. People count on their
in-group (relatives, clans, organizations ) to look after them, and in
exchange for that they believe they owe absolute loyalty to the group.
Triandis offers an excellent summary of this situation:
Collectivism means greater emphasis on (a) the views, needs, and
goals of the in-group rather than oneself; (b) social norms and duty
defined by the in-group rather than behavior to get pleasure; (c) beliefs
shared with the in-group rather than beliefs that distinguish self from
in-group; and (d) great readiness to cooperate with in-group members.
In collective societies such as those in Pakistan, Colombia,
Venezuela, and Peru, people are born into extended families or clans that
support and protect them in exchange for their loyalty. A “we”
consciousness prevails: identity is based on the social system; the
individual is emotionally dependent on organizations and institutions;
the culture emphasizes belonging to organizations; organizations invade
private life and the clans to which individuals belong; and individuals
trust group decisions. Collective behavior, like so many aspects of
culture, has deep historical roots. Look at the message of collectivism
in these words from Confucius: “If one wants to establish himself, he
should help others to establish themselves at first.”
As is the case with all cultural patterns, collectivism influences
a number of communication variables. Kim, Sharkey, and Singles, after
studying the Korean culture, believe that traits such as indirect
communication, saving face, concern for others, and group cooperation are
linked to the collective orientation found in the Korean culture.
Hofstede’s value dimensions (2)
2. Uncertainty avoidance
At the core of uncertainty avoidance is the inescapable
truism that the future is unknown. Though we may all try, none of us can
accurately predict the next moment, day, year, or decade. As the American
playwright Tennessee Williams once noted, “The future is called
‘perhaps.’ Which is the only possible thing to all the future.” As the
terms are used by Hofstede, uncertainty and avoidance indicate the extent
to which a culture feels threatened by or anxious about uncertain and
ambiguous situations.
High-uncertainty-avoidance cultures try to avoid uncertainty and
ambiguity by providing stability for their members, establishing more
formal rules, not tolerating deviant ideas and behaviors, seeking
consensus, and believing in absolute truths and the attainment of
expertise. They are also characterized by a higher level of anxiety and
stress: people think of the uncertainty inherent in life as a continuous
hazard that must be avoided. There is a strong need for written rules,
planning, regulations, rituals, and ceremonies, which add structure to
life. Nations with a strong uncertainty-avoidance tendency are Portugal,
Greece, Peru, Belgium, and Japan.
At the other end of the scale we find countries like Sweden, Denmark,
Ireland, Norway, the United States, Finland, and the Netherland, which
have a low-uncertainty-avoidance need. They more easily accept the
uncertainty inherent in life and are not as threatened by deviant people
and ideas, so they tolerate the unusual. They prize initiative, dislike
the structure associated with hierarchy, are more willing to take risks,
are more flexible, think that there should be as few rules as possible,
and depend not so much on experts as on themselves, generalists, and common
sense. As a whole, members of low-uncertainty-avoidance cultures are less
tense and more relaxed—traits reflected in the Irish proverb “life
should be a dance, not a race.”
As was the case with our first value dimension, differences in
uncertainty avoidance affect intercultural communication. Imagine a
negotiation session involving members from both groups.
High-uncertainty-avoidance members would most likely want to move at a
rather slow pace and ask for a greater amount of detail and planning. Some
older members might also feel uncomfortable with young members of the
group. There would also be differences in the level of formality with which
each culture would feel comfortable. Low-uncertainty-avoidance members
would not become frustrated if the meeting was not highly structured. The
negotiation process would see differences in the level of risk taking on
each side. Americans, for example, would be willing to take a risk.
Hofstede’s value dimensions (3)
3. Power distance
Another cultural value dimension is power distance, which classifies
cultures on a continuum of high- to low-power distance. The premise of
the dimension deals with the extent to which a society accepts that power
in relationships, institutions, and organizations is distributed
unequally. Although all cultures have tendencies for both high- and
low-power relationships, one orientation seems to dominate. Foster offers
a clear and condensed explanation of this dimension:
What Hofstede discovered as that in some cultures, those who hold
power and those who are affected by power are significantly far apart (high
power-distance) in many ways, while in other cultures, the power holders
and those affected by the power holders are significantly closer (low
power-distance)
This dimension is reflected in the values of the less powerful
members of society as well as in those of the more powerful ones. People
in high-power-distance countries such as India, Brazil, Singapore, Greece,
Venezuela, Mexico, and the Philippines believe that power and
authority are facts of life. Both consciously and unconsciously, these
cultures teach their members that people are not equal in this world and
that everybody has a rightful place, which is clearly marked by countless
vertical arrangements. Social hierarchy is prevalent and
institutionalizes inequality.
We can observe sighs of this dimension in nearly every communication
setting. In schools that are characterized by high-power-distance
patterns, children seldom interrupt the teacher, show great reverence and
respect for authority, and ask very few questions. In organizations, you
find a greater centralization of power, a large proportion of supervisory
personnel, and a rigid value system that determines the worth of each job.
Low-power-distance countries such as Austria, Finland, Denmark,
Norway, New Zealand, and Israel hold that inequality in society should
be minimized. People in these cultures believe they are close to power
and should have access to that power. To consider superiors to be the same
kind of people as they are, and superiors perceive their subordinates the
same way. People in power, by they supervisors or government officials,
often interact with their constituents and try to look less powerful than
they really are. The powerful and the powerless try to live in concert.
Hofstede’s value dimensions (4)
4. Masculinity and Femininity
Hofstede uses the words masculinity and femininity to refer
not to men and women, but rather to the degree to which masculine or
feminine traits prevail. Masculinity is the extent to which the dominant
values in a society are male oriented and is associated with such behaviors
as ambition, differentiated sex roles, achievement, the acquisition of
money, and signs of manliness. Ireland, the Philippines, Greece, South
Africa, Austria, Japan, Italy, and Mexico are among countries that tend
toward a masculine world view. In a masculine society, men are taught to
be domineering and assertive and women nurturing. In Japan, for instance,
despite the high level of economic development, the division of labor
still finds most men in the role of provider and most women as, says Merguro,
“home-maker and breeder.”
Cultures that value femininity as a trait stress caring and
nurturing behaviors. A feminine world view maintains that men need not
be assertive and that they can assume nurturing roles; it also promotes
sexual equality and holds that people and the environment are important.
Gender roles in feminine societies are more fluid than in masculine
societies. Interdependence and androgynous behavior are the ideal, and
people sympathize with the unfortunate, Nations such as Sweden, Norway,
Finland, Denmark, and the Netherlands tend toward a feminine world view.
Hofstede’s value dimensions (5)
Long-term vs. Short-term orientation
Bond’s study was much smaller, involving a survey of 100 (50% women)
students from 22 countries and 5 continents. The survey instrument was
the Chinese Value Survey (CVS), based on the Rokeach Value Survey. The
CVS also tapped four cultural dimensions. Three corresponded to
Hofstede’s first three. Hofstede’s fourth cultural dimension,
uncertainty avoidance, was not measured by the CVS. Instead, Bond’s study
isolated the fifth cultural dimension. It eventually was renamed
long-term versus short-term orientation to reflect how strongly a person
believes in the long-term thinking promoted by the teachings of the
Chinese philosopher Confucius (孔子). According to an update by Hofstede,
“on the long-term side one finds values oriented towards the future,
like thrifty (saving) and persistence. On the short-term side one finds
values rather oriented towards the past and the present, like respect for
tradition and fulfilling social obligations.” Importantly, one may
embrace Confucian long-term values without knowing a thing about
Confucius.
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