美国移民史

美国移民史

移民美国Immigration to the United States

美国移民是一个复杂的人口现象，是美国历史长河中人口增长和文化变迁的主要来源之一。移民带来的经济、社会、政治方面的影响引起了诸多争议，涉及种族、经济效益、非移民的工作机会、居住模式、对向上社会流动的影响、犯罪、以及投票行为。2005年，美国人均获准进入该国移民人数在全世界179个国家中排名第34位。

Immigration to the United States is a complex demographic

phenomenon that has been a major source of population growth

and cultural change throughout much of the history of the

United States. The economic, social, and political aspects of

immigration have caused controversy regarding ethnicity,

economic benefits, jobs for non-immigrants, settlement patterns,

impact on upward social mobility, crime, and voting behavior. In

2005, the United States per capita ranked 34th out of 179 world

nations in the number of immigrants allowed into the country.

在1965年之前，诸如全国移民来源国家规划（the national

origins formula）的政策限制了西欧地区以外人员的移民和入籍机会。早在19世纪80年代实施的排他法（exclusion laws）广泛禁止或严格限制亚洲移民，在20世纪20年代实施的定额法（quota laws）缩减了东欧移民的数量。

Prior to 1965, policies such as the national origins formula

limited immigration and naturalization opportunities for people

from areas outside Western Europe. Exclusion laws enacted as

early as the 1880s generally prohibited or severely restricted

immigration from Asia, and quota laws enacted in the 1920s

curtailed Eastern European immigration.

20世纪60年代的民权运动导致了移民从种族配额到各国限制的改变（Foner, Nancy; Fredrickson, George M.,2005）。此后，居住

在美国的第一代移民的数量翻了两番（Demetrios G. Papademetriou

and Aaron Terrazas, 2009），从1970年的960万到2007年的约3800万（Uma A. Segal, Doreen Elliott, Nazneen S. Mayads，2010）。2000至2010年间，近14万移民进入美国，2008年就有超过一百万的人成为美国公民。各国限制的规则要求每个国家发放签证的数量上限是一致的，而不考虑其国人口多寡，因此对出生在人口众多的国家的人们具有显著限制，如墨西哥，中国，印度和菲律宾等——这些都是居于2013年合法移民到美国的人口排行榜的前列的国家；同时，根据美国人口普查局的研究，在不考虑法律地位的情况下，中国，印度和墨西哥是在2013年移民到美国的人口总数最多的国家（Neil Shah, 2015）。2009年，合法移民中的66％是基于家庭关系被准许签证，13％基于职业技能被准许签证，以及出于人道主义原因的占17％。

The civil rights movement of the 1960s led to the

replacement[2] of these ethnic quotas with per-country limits.[3]

Since then, the number of first-generation immigrants living in

the United States has quadrupled,[4] from 9.6 million in 1970 to

about 38 million in 2007.[5] Nearly 14 million immigrants entered

the United States from 2000 to 2010,[6] and over one million

persons were naturalized as U.S. citizens in 2008. The per-country

limit[3] applies the same maximum on the number of visas to all

countries regardless of their population and has therefore had

the effect of significantly restricting immigration of persons born

in populous nations such as Mexico, China, India, and the

Philippines – the leading countries of origin for legally admitted

immigrants to the United States in 2013;[7] nevertheless, China,

India, and Mexico were the leading countries of

origin for immigrants overall to the United States in 2013,

regardless of legal status, according to a U.S. Census Bureau

study.[8] As of 2009, 66% of legal immigrants were admitted on

the basis of family ties, along with 13% admitted for their

employment skills and 17% for humanitarian reasons.[9]

对于那些非法横跨美墨边界进入美国和其他地方的人来说，移民是艰难，昂贵和危险的。事实上，所有的无记录的移民没有合法入境美国的途径的原因是关于绿卡的限制性法律，以及缺乏给低技术工人的移民签证。二十一世纪早期对于非法移民问题的讨论中，有参与者呼吁强化既有对于移民的管控法律的执行力度，建筑沿部分或全部的墨西哥-美国边境的2000英里（3200公里）的屏障，或创建一个新的客工计划。2006年全国和国会沉浸在关于这些建议的辩论中。截至2010 年4月少数这些提案被予以立法，但部分边界围墙获得批准后又最终被取消（Cheryl Sullivan，2011）。

For those who enter the US illegally across the Mexico–United States border and elsewhere, migration is difficult,

expensive and dangerous.[10] Virtually all undocumented

immigrants have no avenues for legal entry to the United States

due the restrictive legal limits on green cards, and lack of

immigrant visas for low skilled workers.[11] Participants in

debates on immigration in the early twenty-first century called

for increasing enforcement of existing laws governing illegal

immigration to the United States, building a barrier along some

or all of the 2,000-mile (3,200 km) Mexico-U.S. border, or creating

a new guest worker program. Through much of 2006 the country

and Congress was immersed in a debate about these proposals.

As of April 2010 few of these proposals had become law, though

a partial border fence had been approved and subsequently

canceled.[12]

历史

美国移民史可以被分为四个时期：殖民时期、19世纪中期、20世纪初期和1965年后。在每个时期，不同国家、种族和民族的人们来到美国。在17世纪，约400,000英格兰人迁移到北美殖民地。在17和

18世纪期间，超过一半的欧洲移民以契约佣工的身份迁移到北美殖民地。在19世纪中期，移民主要来自北欧; 在20世纪初期，移民主要来自南欧和东欧; 1965年后移民大部分来自拉丁美洲和亚洲。

American immigration history can be viewed in four epochs:

the colonial period, the mid-19th century, the start of the 20th

century, and post-1965. Each period brought distinct national

groups, races and ethnicities to the United States. During the

17th century, approximately 400,000 English people migrated to

Colonial America.[13] Over half of all European immigrants to

Colonial America during the 17th and 18th centuries arrived as

indentured servants.[14] The mid-19th century saw mainly an

influx from northern Europe; the early 20th-century mainly from

Southern and Eastern Europe; post-1965 mostly from Latin

America and Asia.

历史学家估计，在1600和1799年间，不到100万移民从欧洲来到美国。1790年法案（The 1790 Act）限制―自由白人‖入籍。在19世纪60年代，法案限制对象扩大到黑人，在20世纪50年代扩大到亚洲人（Schultz, Jeffrey D，2002）。在早期的美国，每年移民数量不到8000人，其中包括来自海地奴隶起义的法国难民。1820年后，移民逐渐增多。从1836年至1914年，超过30万欧洲人移民到了美国（Nicholas J. Evans，2001）。这些跨大西洋的迁移的死

亡率很高，在此期间，七个旅人中有一个死亡（Wilson, Donna

M; Northcott, Herbert C ，2008）。1875年，全国通过了第一部移民法，即1875年的佩吉法案（the Page Act of 1875）。Historians

estimate that fewer than 1 million immigrants came to the United

States from Europe between 1600 and 1799.[15] The 1790 Act

limited naturalization to "free white persons"; it was expanded to

include blacks in the 1860s and Asians in the 1950s.[16] In the

early years of the United States, immigration was fewer than

8,000 people a year,[17] including French refugees from the slave

revolt in Haiti. After 1820, immigration gradually increased. From

1836 to 1914, over 30 million Europeans migrated to the United

States.[18] The death rate on these transatlantic voyages was

high, during which one in seven travelers died.[19] In 1875, the

nation passed its first immigration law, the Page Act of 1875.[20]

最早一批来自中国的移民追随加利福尼亚淘金热迁移到美国，在此之后，美国国会通过了一系列法律，最终导致1882年中国法案（the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882）完全禁止来自中国的迁移，直至1943年该法才被废除。在19世纪后期，来自亚洲国家的迁移变得更加普遍，其中很多迁移到西海岸。

After an initial wave of immigration from China following the

California Gold Rush, Congress passed a series of laws

culminating in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, banning

virtually all immigration from China until the law's repeal in 1943.

In the late 1800s, immigration from other Asian countries,

especially to the West Coast, became more common.

来自欧洲的迁移高峰期是1907年，当时1285349人迁入美国。截至1910年，1.35千万移民生活在美国。1921年，国会通过了紧急配额法（the Emergency Quota Act），之后又了1924年移民法（the Immigration Act of 1924）。1924年移民法旨在进一步限制来自南欧和东欧移民的迁移，尤其是犹太人、意大利人和斯拉夫人，他们在19世纪90年代初期开始大量迁入美国，并联合反对来自亚洲迁移。

The peak year of European immigration was in 1907, when

1,285,349 persons entered the country.[21] By 1910, 13.5 million

immigrants were living in the United States.[22] In 1921, the

Congress passed the Emergency Quota Act, followed by the

Immigration Act of 1924. The 1924 Act was aimed at further

restricting immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe,

particularly Jews, Italians, and Slavs, who had begun to enter the

country in large numbers beginning in the 1890s, and

consolidated the prohibition of Asian immigration.[23]

20世纪30年代的移民模式是被大萧条决定的。在经济繁荣的最后一年，即1929年，记录有279678人迁移至美国，但在1933年，只有23068人迁移到美国。在20世纪30年代初，越来越多的人迁出而不是迁入美国。由美国政府赞助的墨西哥遣返项目的最初目的是鼓励人们自愿搬到墨西哥，但最终数千人非自愿地被驱逐出境。共约40万墨西哥人被遣返。大多数逃离纳粹追捕和躲避第二次世界大战的犹太难民被禁止进入美国。战后，美国司法部展开针对非法进入美国的墨西哥人的行动（Operation Wetback），在1954年1075168名墨西哥人因此被驱逐。

Immigration patterns of the 1930s were dominated by the

Great Depression. In the final prosperous year, 1929, there were

279,678 immigrants recorded,[24] but in 1933, only 23,068 came

to the U.S.[15] In the early 1930s, more people emigrated from

the United States than to it.[25] The U.S. government sponsored

a Mexican Repatriation program which was intended to

encourage people to voluntarily move to Mexico, but

thousands were deported against their will.[26] Altogether about

400,000 Mexicans were repatriated.[27] Most of the Jewish

refugees fleeing the Nazis and World War II were barred from

coming to the United States.[28] In the post-war era, the Justice

Department launched Operation Wetback, under which

1,075,168 Mexicans were deported in 1954.[29]

首先，我们的城市将不会每年充斥着一百万移民。根据拟议的法案，目前的移民水平保持大致相同的....其次，这个国家的种族构成将不会被打乱....与在某些方面的指控不同，[该法案]不会导致美国被来自其他任何一个国家或地区的移民占领，或是人口最多和最贫困的非洲和亚洲国家....说到底，在新的拟议下，移民的民族构成不会像批评者认为那样改变很大。——特德肯尼迪，1965年迁移和国籍法案的参议

院首席提案人

First, our cities will not be flooded with a million immigrants

annually. Under the proposed bill, the present level of

immigration remains substantially Secondly, the

ethnic mix of this country will not Contrary to the

charges in some quarters, [the bill] will not inundate America with

immigrants from any one country or area, or the most populated

and deprived nations of Africa In the final analysis, the

ethnic pattern of immigration under the proposed measure is not

expected to change as sharply as the critics seem to think.

—?Ted Kennedy, chief Senate sponsor of the Immigration

and Nationality Act of 1965.[30]

在1965年迁移和国籍法（the Immigration and Nationality Act

of 1965），也被称为哈特-塞拉法（the Hart-Cellar Act），废除国家种族配额制度。通过平等的移民政策，该法案导致来自欧洲以外国家的新移民，这改变了美国的种族构成。1970年，60％的移民来自欧洲;

到2000年，这下降到15％，1990年，老布什签署了1990年移民法（the Immigration Act of 1990），它把合法移民到美国的比例提高了40％（Jeffrey D. Schultz ，2000）。1991年，老布什签署的1991年武装部队移民调整法（the Armed Forces Immigration

Adjustment Act 1991）允许曾在美国武装部队服兵役12年以上的外国军人有资格获得永久居留权，在某些情况下，还有资格获得公民身份。

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, also known as

the Hart-Cellar Act, abolished the system of national-origin

quotas. By equalizing immigration policies, the act resulted in

new immigration from non-European nations, which changed

the ethnic make-up of the United States.[31] In 1970, 60% of

immigrants were from Europe; this decreased to 15% by 2000.[32]

In 1990, George H. W. Bush signed the Immigration Act of

1990,[33] which increased legal immigration to the United States

by 40%.[34] In 1991, Bush signed the Armed Forces Immigration

Adjustment Act 1991, allowing foreign service members who had

serve 12 or more years in the US Armed Forces to qualify for

permanent residency and, in some cases, citizenship.

1994年11月，加州选民通过了第187号提案（Proposition 187）修改州宪法，反对国家财政援助非法移民。联邦法院作废这一投票，裁定它违反联邦宪法（Gonzales, Daniel，2016）。

In November 1994, California voters passed Proposition 187

amending the state constitution, denying state financial aid to

illegal immigrants. The federal courts voided this change, ruling

that it violated the federal constitution.[35]

由比尔·克林顿任命的移民改革美国委员会建议将合法移民从每年大约80万人减少到大约55万（Plummer Alston Jones，2004）。虽然来自不同文化背景的新移民涌入带来了一些挑战，―这些移民人口始终给美国带来活力，在1998年总统比尔·克林顿表示，一批又一批移民不断给美国赋予力量和精神，他们已经被证明是最不满足于现状、最冒险的、最具创新性和最勤劳的人（Mary E. Williams，2004）。

Appointed by Bill Clinton,[36] the U.S. Commission on

Immigration Reform recommended reducing legal immigration

from about 800,000 people per year to approximately

550,000.[37] While an influx of new residents from different

cultures presents some challenges, "the United States has always

been energized by its immigrant populations," said President Bill

Clinton in 1998. "America has constantly drawn strength and

spirit from wave after wave of immigrants [...] They have proved

to be the most restless, the most adventurous, the most

innovative, the most industrious of people."[38]

2001年，总统乔治?W?布什与墨西哥总统福克斯商定了一项协议。这项可能达成的协议被―9?11事件‖完全打乱了计划。从2005年到

2013年，美国国会讨论了各种移民控制的方案。参议院和众议院都无法达成一致。在2012年和2014年，美国总统奥巴马制定政策，意在缓解驱逐那些利用―锚孩子‖(anchor babies)迁移到美国的移民的压力（Gonzales, Daniel，2016）。In 2001, President George W. Bush

discussed an accord with Mexican President Vincente Fox.

Possible accord was derailed by the September 11 attacks. From

2005 to 2013, the US Congress discussed various ways of

controlling immigration. The Senate and House are unable to

reach an agreement. In 2012 and 2014, President Obama initiated

policies that were intended to ease the pressure on deporting

people using anchor babies as a means of immigrating to the

United States.[35]

从2000年至2005年，近800万人移民到美国; 其中370万进入美国没有法定证件。自1986年以来，美国国会已经对非法移民通过了7大特赦。1986年，里根总统签署了移民改革方案，向全国300万非法移民给以特赦。拉美裔移民在20世纪第一个十年后期经济衰退期间遭受失业（Meyer, Guillaume，2009），但自从2009年6月经济衰退结束，移民获得了656000的新增职位。[44] 2011年，超过100万移民被授予合法居民身份。

Nearly 8 million people immigrated to the United States from

2000 to 2005; 3.7 million of them entered without papers.[39][40]

Since 1986 Congress has passed seven amnesties for

undocumented immigrants.[41] In 1986 president Ronald

Reagan signed immigration reform that gave amnesty to 3

million undocumented immigrants in the country.[42] Hispanic

immigrants suffered job losses during the late-2000s

recession,[43] but since the recession's end in June 2009,

immigrants posted a net gain of 656,000 jobs.[44] Over 1 million

immigrants were granted legal residence in 2011.[45]

当代移民

20世纪30年代之前，大部分合法移民为男性。到了20世纪90年代，女性才占合法移民一半以上。当代移民往往比美国的本土人口更年轻，15到34岁的人在人口结构中占绝大部分。在同龄人中，移民比土生土长的美国人更倾向于结婚，离婚的人数更少。

Until the 1930s most legal immigrants were male. By the

1990s women accounted for just over half of all legal

porary immigrants tend to be younger than

the native population of the United States, with people between

the ages of 15 and 34 substantially overrepresented. Immigrants

are also more likely to be married and less likely to be divorced

than native-born Americans of the same age.

移民很可能与背景类似的人居住在同一地区。这种现象在整个美国移民史中一直如此。在―公共议程‖（Public Agenda）的调查中，十分之七的移民愿意在美国永久居留，而71％的人表示，如果再让他们选择一次，他们仍然会来美国。在同一研究中，76％的移民认为在9·11事件之后，政府在移民法的实施过程中更为严格，24％的人说他们曾经多次亲身经历过种族歧视。

Immigrants are likely to move to and live in areas populated

by people with similar backgrounds. This phenomenon has held

true throughout the history of immigration to the United States.

Seven out of ten immigrants surveyed by Public Agenda in 2009

said they intended to make the U.S. their permanent home, and

71% said if they could do it over again they would still come to

the US. In the same study, 76% of immigrants say the

government has become stricter on enforcing immigration laws

since the September 11, 2001 attacks ("9/11"), and 24% report

that they personally have experienced some or a great deal of

discrimination.

9·11事件很大程度上影响着美国公众对于移民的态度。根据盖勒普在2009年的调查，在之后，52％的美国人认为整体上移

民对美国是有益的，相对于前一年的62％这个数字在一定程度上降低了。在2008年一项的公共议程调查发现，更加严格移民控制对美国的国家安全有重要意义。哈佛大学政治学家和历史学家Samuel P.

Huntington在他的文章《我们是谁？美国国家身份认同的挑战》中指出，来自拉丁美洲尤其是墨西哥的持续性大量移民，可能导致美国分为两个分支。

Public attitudes about immigration in the U.S. were heavily

influenced in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. After the attacks,

52% of Americans believed that immigration was a good thing

overall for the U.S., down from 62% the year before, according to

a 2009 Gallup poll.] A 2008 Public Agenda survey found that half

of Americans said tighter controls on immigration would do "a

great deal" to enhance U.S. national security. Harvard political

scientist and historian Samuel P. Huntington argued in Who Are

We? The Challenges to America's National Identity that a

potential future consequence of continuing massive immigration

from Latin America, especially Mexico, might lead to the

bifurcation of the United States.

在美国的非法墨西哥移民人口从大约从2007年的700万下降到2011年的610万，评论家将美国移民趋势的逆转与2008年开始的经济危机相联系，因为经济不景气意味着更少的工作机会，也导致了各个州的移民法更趋于严格。[57] [58] [59] [60]按照皮尤拉美裔中心（Pew Hispanic Center）的统计，墨西哥人口增长率开始停滞，并有负增长的趋势。

The population of illegal Mexican immigrants in the US fell

from approximately 7 million in 2007 to 6.1 million in

2011Commentators link the reversal of the immigration trend to

the economic downturn that started in 2008 and which meant

fewer available jobs, and to the introduction of tough

immigration laws in many states. According to the Pew Hispanic

Center the total number of Mexican born persons had stagnated

in 2010, and tended toward going into negative figures.

在美国有八十多个城市有庇护政策，各地略有差异，这些城市包括华盛顿，纽约，洛杉矶，芝加哥，旧金山，圣迭戈，圣何塞，盐湖城，菲尼克斯，达拉斯，沃斯堡，休斯顿，底特律，新泽西市，明尼阿波利斯，迈阿密，丹佛，巴尔的摩，西雅图，波特兰，俄勒冈州和缅因州波特兰。

More than 80 cities in the United States, including

Washington D.C., New York City, Los Angeles, Chicago, San

Francisco, San Diego, San Jose, Salt Lake City, Phoenix, Dallas,

Fort Worth, Houston, Detroit, Jersey City, Minneapolis, Miami,

Denver, Baltimore, Seattle, Portland, Oregon and Portland, Maine,

have sanctuary policies, which vary locally.

移民美国的新原因

Providence Jounrnal的FromaHarrop，曾经写过―环境移民‖，具体指富裕的中国公民迁居美国，或在美国购置房地产，以躲避中国严重的工业污染。（Harrop，2013）

FromaHarrop, of the Providence Journal, has written about

"environmental immigration," specifically wealthier Chinese

nationals moving to or buying real estate in the US to escape

China's heavy industrial pollution.

人口统计Demography

规模和目的地

Extent and destinations

美国在1991年到2000年间接纳了更多的合法移民，在1000万到1100万之间，比之前任何一个十年都多。在最近的十年里，在美国定居的1000万合法移民只代表约0.3％的年增长率，而同时美国的人口从2.49亿增长到了2.81亿。相比较而言，过去对人口增长贡献率最高的十年是1900-1910年，当时有880万人到达美国，移民以每年一个百分点的速度增加着美国的总人口。具体而言，―在1910年，近15％

的美国人是移民，而到1999年，只有大约10％的人口是移民。‖（Williams，2004）

【foreign-born的翻译，作形容词是―在外国出生的‖，做名词是―移民‖，但是很少见。（见《21世纪英汉大辞典》）美国人口普查局（United States Census Bureau）的定义：The foreign-born

population includes anyone who is not a U.S. citizen at birth,

including those who become U.S. citizens through naturalization.

The native-born population includes anyone who is a U.S. citizen

at birth.最终确定翻译为―移民‖。】

The United States admitted more legal immigrants from

1991 to 2000, between ten and eleven million, than in any

previous decade. In the most recent decade, the ten million legal

immigrants that settled in the U.S. represent an annual growth of

only about 0.3% as the U.S. population grew from 249 million to

281 million. By comparison, the highest previous decade was the

1900s, when 8.8 million people arrived, increasing the total U.S.

population by one percent every year. Specifically, "nearly 15% of

Americans were foreign-born in 1910, while in 1999, only about

10% were foreign-born."

到1970年，移民占美国人口的4.7%，1980年这一比例上升至6.2%，并估计在2009年达到12.5%。（Terrazas and Batalova，2009）截至2010年，18岁以下的美国居民中有25％为第一代或第二代移民。（The New York Times,2010）根据最近的一项由Pew

Hispanic Center对美

国人口普查局数据进行的分析，2008年在美国出生的所有婴儿中，有8%的父母属于非法移民。（The Wall Street Journal,2010）

By 1970, immigrants accounted for 4.7 percent of the US

population and rising to 6.2 percent in 1980, with an estimated

12.5 percent in 2009.[69] As of 2010, 25% of US residents under

age 18 were first- or second-generation immigrants.[70] Eight

percent of all babies born in the U.S. in 2008 belonged to illegal

immigrant parents, according to a recent analysis of U.S. Census

Bureau data by the Pew Hispanic Center.[71]

美国合法移民从20世纪30年代的25万，增加到20世纪50年代的250万，到70年代450万，80年代730万，直到20世纪90年代达到约1000万。2000年以来，每年合法移民美国的人数大约为100万，其中有60万是已经在美国居住的人改变身份。美国的合法移民现在处于有史以来的最高水平，人数刚刚超过3700万。非法移民人数可能高达每年150万，因为每年至少有70万的非法移民净流入。（www./doc/,, 2006）从1990年到2000年，新移民给移民人口带来了57.4%的增长。

Legal immigration to the U.S. increased from 250,000 in the

1930s, to 2.5 million in the 1950s, to 4.5 million in the 1970s, and

to 7.3 million in the 1980s, before resting at about 10 million in

the 1990s.[72] Since 2000, legal immigrants to the United States

number approximately 1,000,000 per year, of whom about

600,000 are Change of Status who already are in the U.S. Legal

immigrants to the United States now are at their highest level

ever, at just over 37,000,000 legal immigrants. Illegal immigration

may be as high as 1,500,000 per year with a net of at least 700,000

illegal immigrants arriving every year.[73][74] Immigration led to

a 57.4% increase in foreign born population from 1990 to

2000.[75]

虽然移民在上个世纪经历了剧烈增加，1990年移民人口占总人口的比重（约20％）还是高于现在（约10％）。有许多因素可以解释美国移民居民比例的降低。其中最主要的因素是移民组成的变化；1890年以前，82％的移民来自北欧和西欧。从1891年到1920年，这一数字下降到25％，同时来自东欧、中欧和南欧的移民增加，总共达到了64%。美国国内对这些来自不同地方和外国移民的敌意上升，导致了许多限制移民的立法。

While immigration has increased drastically over the last

century, the foreign born share of the population was still higher

in 1900 (about 20%) than it is today (about 10%). A number of

factors may be attributed to the decrease in the representation

of foreign born residents in the United States. Most significant

has been the change in the composition of immigrants; prior to

1890, 82% of immigrants came from North and Western Europe.

From 1891 to 1920, that number dropped to 25%, with a rise in

immigrants from East, Central, and South Europe, summing up to

64%. Animosity towards these different and foreign immigrants

rose in the United States, resulting in much legislation to limit

immigration.

当代移民主要定居在七个州：加利福尼亚州，纽约州，佛罗里达州，德克萨斯州，宾夕法尼亚州，新泽西州和伊利诺伊州，构成了美国总人口的约44%。2000年，这7个州的移民人口占总移民人口的70%。如果目前的出生率和移民率在接下来的70-80年间保持不变，美国人口将翻一番，达到近6亿。（BBC News，2000）

Contemporary immigrants settle predominantly in seven

states, California, New York, Florida, Texas, Pennsylvania, New

Jersey and Illinois, comprising about 44% of the U.S. population

as a whole. The combined total immigrant population of these

seven states was 70% of the total

foreign-born population in 2000. If current birth rate and

immigration rates were to remain unchanged for another 70 to

80 years, the U.S. population would double to nearly 600

million.[76]

1900年，当时美国人口为7600万人，其中估计有50万拉美裔美国人。（www./doc/,，2004）美国人口普查局预测，到2050年，将有四分之一的人口拥有拉美血统。（Moscoso，2001）这种人口结构的变化在很大程度上由来自拉丁美

洲的移民所推动。（Knickerbocker, 2006）In 1900, when the U.S.

population was 76 million, there were an estimated 500,000

Hispanics.[77] The Census Bureau projects that by 2050, one-quarter of the population will be of Hispanic descent.[78] This

demographic shift is largely fueled by immigration from Latin

America.[79][80]

移民的影响Effects of immigration

人口结构Demographics

人口普查局估计，伴随移民，美国人口将从2014年的3.17亿增长至2016年的4.17亿，到那时将有近20％的人口为移民。（Colby

and Ortman, 2015）Pew Research Center2015年的一份报告预测，到2065年，非拉美裔白人占人口的比例将从2005年的67%下降至46%。（Pew Research Center,2015）而非拉美裔白人在1960年占总人口的85％。（USA Today，2008）报告还预测拉美裔人口将从2014年的17％，在2060年前增加至29％。亚洲人口预计将在2060年增加近一倍。（Colby and Ortman, 2015）总的说来，Pew

Report预测，美国人口将从2005年的2.96亿增加到2065年的4.41亿，但只有3.38亿为非移民。（Pew Research Center,2015）

The Census Bureau estimates the US population will grow

from 317 million in 2014 to 417 million in 2060 with immigration,

when nearly 20% will be foreign born.[83] A 2015 report from the

Pew Research Center projects that by 2065, non-Hispanic whites

will account for 46% of the population, down from the 2005

figure of 67%.[84] Non-Hispanic whites made up 85% of the

population in 1960.[85] It also foresees the Hispanic population

rising from 17% in 2014 to 29% by 2060. The Asian population is

expected to nearly double in 2060.[83] Overall, the Pew Report

predicts the population of the United States will rise from 296

million in 2005 to 441 million in 2065, but only to 338 million with

no immigration.[84]

在全国50个最大的城市的35个城市中，非拉美裔白人不管在上次普查中或在预计中，都是少数。(Asthana,2006)在加州，非拉美裔白人从1970年占州人口的80％下降到2001年的42.3％（CBS

News,2001）和2013年的39％（美国人口普查局）。

In 35 of the country's 50 largest cities, non-Hispanic whites

were at the last census or are predicted to be in the minority.[86]

In California, non-Hispanic whites slipped from 80% of the state's

population in 1970 to 42.3% in 2001[87] and 39% in 2013.[88]

移民隔离在20世纪上半叶有所下降，但在后来的几十年里一直在上升。这引起了对于把美国描述为大熔炉的正确性的质疑。一种解释是，社会经济地位较低的体聚集在人口密度更高的地区，这些地区有便捷的公共交通，而社会经济地位较高的体则搬到了郊区。另一个解释是，最近的一些移民体在文化和语言上更加不同于早期体，因为一些因素如交流成本，更倾向于居住在一起。（Cutler, Glaeser,

and Vigdor，2005）对隔离加深的另一种解释是白人飞（White

flight）。（Hook, J. and Snyder, J.，2007）

Immigrant segregation declined in the first half of the 20th

century, but has been rising over the past few decades. This has

caused questioning of the correctness of describing the United

States as a melting pot. One explanation is that groups with lower

socioeconomic status concentrate in more densely populated

area that have access to public transit while groups with higher

socioeconomic status move to suburban areas. Another is that

some recent immigrant groups are more culturally and

linguistically different from earlier groups and prefer to live

together due to factors such as communication costs.[89]

Another explanation for increased segregation is white flight.[90]

经济Economic

在80年代后期的一项研究中，经济学家压倒性地认为移民，包括非法移民，是经济发展的积极因素。（Julian L.，1989）主流经济学

家们最近的调查表现出一个共识：高技能的移民让美国人均更加富裕；调查同时也给予另一观点以强大支持，即低技能的移民也使得美国人均更加富裕。（www./doc/,）根据位于圣莫尼卡的兰德公司的高级经济学家、美国国家研究委员会（United

States National Research Council）的研究《新美国人：移民的经济、人口和财政影响》的主要作者James Smith，移民每年为美国经济的贡献高达100亿美元。（San Francisco Chronicle, 2006）NRC的报告发现，虽然移民，尤其是那些来自拉丁美洲的移民，与他们获得的社会服务相比，造成了税收的净损失，但是移民在总体上带来了国内经济的增长，由于以下因素：高技能工人的工资增加，移民劳动力生产的产品和服务价格较低，部分资本所有者拥有更高的效率并支付更低的工资。该报告还指出，虽然移民工人在低技能工作上与国内工人存在竞争，但一些移民专门从事一地区原本没有的活动，因此可以给所有国内居民带来益处。（Chair，1997）

In a late 1980s study, economists overwhelmingly viewed

immigration, including illegal immigration, as a positive for the

economy.[91] Recent surveys of leading economists shows a

consensus behind the notion that high-skilled immigration

makes the average American better off, and strong support

behind the notion that low-skilled immigration also makes the

average American better off.[92][93] According to James Smith, a

senior economist at Santa Monica-based RAND Corporation and

lead author of the United States National Research Council's

study "The New Americans: Economic, Demographic, and Fiscal

Effects of Immigration", immigrants contribute as much as $10

billion to the U.S. economy each year.[94] The NRC report found

that although immigrants, especially those from Latin America,

caused a net loss in terms of taxes paid versus social services

received, immigration can provide an overall gain to the

domestic economy due to an increase in pay for higher-skilled

workers, lower prices for goods and services produced by

immigrant labor, and more efficiency and lower wages for some

owners of capital. The report also notes that although immigrant

workers compete with domestic workers for low-skilled jobs,

some immigrants specialize in activities that otherwise would not

exist in an area, and thus can be beneficial for all domestic

residents.[95]

国会预算办公室2007年的一个非党派报告认为，大多数的估计表明，非法移民给州和地方政府带来了净成本，但是―对于国家层面的成本大小，甚至是成本大小的衡量方法，还没有一致意见‖。（美国国会预算办公室，2007）对非法移民给美国带来的国民净成本的估计差别很大，城市研究所（Urban Institute）在1992年说是19亿美元，而莱斯大学的教授在1993年说是193亿。（www./doc/,，2009）约有2100万移民，或者说，劳动力的15%，在美国拥有工作；然而，失业人数只有700万，这意味着移民工人并没有从国内工人手中抢走工作，而是在从事移民工人来到美国之后才出现的工作。（Lowenstein，2006）美国人口普查

局的《企业主调查（SBO）：拉美裔所有的公司：2002年》指出，拉美裔在美国拥有的企业数在2002年上升到近160万，这些企业的总收入达到约2220亿。（Facts for Features，2006）该报告指出，对贫穷移民负担的承担在各州之间存在不均衡，其中，加利福利亚州承担的负担最为严重。（Smith，1997）支持扩大移民水平的另一个观点是，移民主要做的是美国人不想做的工作。Pew Hispanic

Center2006年的一个报告为支持这种观点补充了证据，他们发现，扩大移民水平并没有损害美国工人的就业前景。（Perez，2006）研究表明了一个经济方面的共识：总的来说，通过扩大需求、提高生产力、促进创新、和降低价格，移民提高了美国工人的生活标准。（Brookings Institution，2012）

A non-partisan report in 2007 from the Congressional

Budget Office concluded that most estimates show that illegal

immigrants impose a net cost to state and local governments,

but "that no agreement exists as to the size of, or even the best

way of measuring, the cost on a national level."[96] Estimates of

the net national cost that illegal immigrants impose on the

United States vary greatly, with the Urban Institute saying it was

$1.9 billion in 1992, and a Rice University professor putting it at

$19.3 billion in 1993.[97] About twenty-one million immigrants,

or about fifteen percent of the labor force, hold jobs in the United

States; however, the number of unemployed is only seven million,

meaning that immigrant workers are not taking jobs from

domestic workers, but rather are doing jobs that would not have

existed had the immigrant workers not been in the United

States.[98] U.S. Census Bureau's Survey of Business Owners:

Hispanic-Owned Firms: 2002 indicated that the number of

Hispanic-owned businesses in the United States grew to nearly

1.6 million in 2002. Those businesses generated about $222

billion in gross revenue.[99] The report notes that the burden of

poor immigrants is not borne equally among states, and is most

heavy in California.[100] Another claim supporting expanding

immigration levels is that immigrants mostly do jobs Americans

do not want. A 2006 Pew Hispanic Center report added evidence

to support this claim, when they found that increasing

immigration levels have not hurt employment prospects for

American workers.[101] Research shows an economic consensus

that, taken as a whole, immigrants raise living standards for

American workers by boosting demand and increasing

productivity, contributing to innovation, and lowering prices.[102]

2009年，卡托研究所（The Cato Institute）——一个自由市场智库——发现，美国低技能的非法居住工人的合法化会在十年中给美

国GDP带来1800亿美元的净增长。卡托研究所的研究没有考察对大多数美国人的人均收入水平的影响。Jason Riley指出，由于累进所得税制下，收入最高的1％要缴纳37%的联邦所得税（尽管就他们的收入而言，他们缴纳的税率实际上是较低的），而60％的美国人得到的政府服务要多于他们所缴纳的税款，这也反映在了移民体中。（Rieley，2009）根据NAS，在任何情况下，典型的移民和其子女在一生中所缴纳的税款比他们得到的政府服务要多出8万多美元的净额。合法移民政策的设置是为了最大化净税收。非法移民，即使在得到赦免后，也往往得到了与他们纳税额相比更多的服务。2010年，一个罗格斯大学的经济学家的计量经济学研究发现，当移入者与他们的原籍国通过网络联结时，移民有助于扩大双边贸易，特别是促进了最终产品贸易而不是中间产品，但是，在移民融入美国文化之后，这种贸易利好就减弱了。（Mundra，2010）

In 2009, a study by the Cato Institute, a free market think

tank, found that legalization of low-skilled illegal resident

workers in the US would result in a net increase in US GDP of

$180 billion over ten years.[104] The Cato Institute study did not

examine the impact on per capita income for most Americans.

Jason Riley notes that because of progressive income taxation, in

which the top 1% of earners pay 37% of federal income taxes

(even though they actually pay a lower tax percentage based on

their income), 60% of Americans collect more in government

services than they pay in, which also reflects on immigrants.[105]

In any event, the typical immigrant and his children will pay a net

$80,000 more in their lifetime than they collect in government

services according to the NAS.[106] Legal immigration policy is

set to maximize net taxation. Illegal immigrants even after an

amnesty tend to be recipients of more services than they pay in

taxes. In 2010, an econometrics study by a Rutgers economist

found that immigration helped increase bilateral trade when the

incoming people were connected via networks to their country

of origin, particularly boosting trade of final goods as opposed

to intermediate goods, but that the trade benefit weakened when

the immigrants became assimilated into American culture.[107]

考夫曼基金会（The Kauffman Foundation）的创业活力指数中，移民比本土居民高出近40％。（www./doc/,）移民参与了许多著名的美国高科技公司的建立，如谷歌、雅虎、YouTube、Sun微系统和eBay。（Elstrom，2007）在移民中贫穷的一端，―新美国人‖报告发现，整体来说，低工资的移民没有降低大多数国内工人的工资。报告还谈到移民对黑人的影响是否与全体人口不同的问题：―虽然一些人怀疑黑人受低技能移民流入的影响更为严重，但是没有可用的证据表明，在全国层面上他们遭到了极其严重的打击。有一部分黑人失去了自己的工作，特别是在移民比较集中的地方。但是多数黑人生活在其他地区，他们的经济财富与其他因素相关联。‖（Smith，1997）

The Kauffman Foundation's index of entrepreneurial activity

is nearly 40% higher for immigrants than for natives.[108]

Immigrants were involved in the founding of many prominent

American high-tech companies, such as Google, Yahoo, YouTube,

Sun Microsystems, and eBay.[109] On the poor end of the

spectrum, the "New Americans" report found that low-wage

immigration does not, on aggregate, lower the wages of most

domestic workers. The report also addresses the question of if

immigration affects black Americans differently from the

population in general: "While some have suspected that blacks

suffer disproportionately from the inflow of low-skilled

immigrants, none of the available evidence suggests that they

have been particularly hard-hit on a national level. Some have

lost their jobs, especially in places where immigrants are

concentrated. But the majority of blacks live elsewhere, and their

economic fortunes are tied to other factors."[110]

在2005年所做的一项研究表明，三分之一的成年移民都没有念完高中，三分之一没有医疗保险。（USA Today，2005）罗伯特·萨缪尔森指出，贫困的移民加大了公共服务的负担，如当地的学校和医疗保健。他指出，―2000至2006年，没有医疗保险人的增加，41％发生在拉美裔中。‖（Samuelson，2007）根据移民研究中心减少移民宣传组，1999年，有25.8％的墨西哥移民生活在贫困之中，是本土居民比率的两倍多。（Center for Immigration Studies，2001）在另一份报告中，The Heritage Foundation指出，1990年至2006年，拉美裔的贫困人口增加了320万，从600万增加到920万。（Rosenzweig，年份不详）

A study done in 2005 showed that a third of adult immigrants

had not finished high school, and a third had no health

insurance.[39] Robert Samuelson points out that poor

immigrants strain public services such as local schools and health

care. He points out that "from 2000 to 2006, 41 percent of the

increase in people without health insurance occurred among

Hispanics."[111] According to the immigration reduction

advocacy group Center for Immigration Studies, 25.8% of

Mexican

immigrants live in poverty, which is more than double the

rate for natives in 1999.[112] In another report, The Heritage

Foundation notes that from 1990 to 2006, the number of poor

Hispanics increased by 3.2 million, from 6 million to 9.2

million.[113]

美国公民不会从事外国工人通常做的工作，像涉及农业的体力劳动。（美国劳工部）采果的劳动力成本估计为每磅0.36美元，所以每分钟1磅的生产速度要获得扣除费用后的最低工资。（Sustainable

Agriculture Research and Education Program）在一些就业市场中，低薪的重体力劳动和危险工作造成了劳动力短缺，这种短缺只能通过

使用外国劳动力来填补。（美国国土安全部）外国工人往往每年要无薪工作几个月以向他们的雇主支付H系列签证的成本（H series visa）。（Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for International

Studies）美国的拉美裔移民收到了次贷危机的重创。在一些移民社区，丧失抵押品赎回权的水平存在比例失调。（Garcia，2008）银行业为无证移民提供住房贷款，将其视为增加收入流的未开发资源。（CNN/Money，2005）2008年10月，KFYI报道，据美国住房及城市发展部，500万非法移民持有欺诈性的住房贷款。这个报道后来从他们的网站撤下，取而代之的是一个更正。凤凰商业杂志（The

Phoenix Business Journal）引述了一位HUD的发言人，他说，五百多万的不良抵押贷款被非法移民持有的新闻报道是没有根据的，该机构并没有数据表明持有丧失赎回权或不良抵押贷款的非法移民的数量。（Sunnucks，2008）

U.S. citizens will not take certain jobs usually done by foreign

workers, like manual labor involving agriculture.[117] Fruit

picking labor costs are estimated at $0.36 per pound, so a

production rate of 1 pound per minute is required to earn

minimum wage after fees are deducted.[118] Hard physical labor

and dangerous jobs with a small paycheck create labor shortages

in certain job markets that can only be satisfied using foreign

labor.[119] Foreign laborers often work for no pay for several

months each year to earn enough to pay their employer for the

cost of their H series visa.[120] Hispanic immigrants in the United

States were hit hard by the subprime mortgage crisis. There was

a disproportionate level of foreclosures in some immigrant

neighborhoods.[121] The banking industry provided home loans

to undocumented immigrants, viewing it as an untapped

resource for growing their own revenue stream.[122] In October

2008, KFYI reported that according to the U.S. Department of

Housing and Urban Development, five million illegal immigrants

held fraudulent home mortgages.[123] The story was later pulled

from their website and replaced with a correction.[124] The

Phoenix Business Journal cited a HUD spokesman saying that

there was no basis to news reports that more than five million

bad mortgages were held by illegal immigrants, and that the

agency had no data showing the number of illegal immigrants

holding foreclosed or bad mortgages.[125]

2007年，移民和外国劳动力的文件费增加了超过80％，并且美国公民及移民服务局（USCIS）的资金有超过90%来自移民申请费，这也为USCIS创造了很多涉及移民美国的工作，如移民面试官，指纹处理员，国土安全部等。（美国政府责任署）美国企业研究所（American Enterprise Institute）的研究员Jason Richwine的一篇文章指出，虽然早期欧洲移民在到达美国时通常很贫穷，但到第三代时，他们已经在经济上与总体人同化，没有什么区别。然而，对拉美裔移民来说，这一进程在第二代就停顿了，第三代依然比白人要贫困得多。（Richwine，2009）尽管不同体之间存在明显且悬殊的差距（MSNBC,2005），亚洲人——他们曾在1965年后大批抵达美国（Chin，1996-1997），到2008年时，拥有所有种族体中最高的每户收入中位数（美国人口普查局，2009）。

Immigration and foreign labor documentation fees

increased over 80% in 2007, with over 90% of funding for USCIS

derived from immigration application fees, creating many USCIS

jobs involving immigration to US, such as immigration interview

officials, finger print processor, Department of Homeland

Security, etc.[126] An article by American Enterprise Institute

researcher Jason Richwine states that while earlier European

immigrants were often poor when they arrived, by the third

generation they had economically assimilated to be

indistinguishable from the general population. However, for the

Hispanic immigrants the process stalls at the second generation

and the third generation continues to be substantially poorer

than whites.[127] Despite apparent disparities between different

communities,[128] Asians, a significant number of whom arrived

in the United States after 1965,[129] had the highest median

income per household among all race groups as of 2008.[130]

根据NPR2005年的报道，约有3%非法移民从事农业生产。H-2A签证允许美国雇主把外国人带到美国来充任暂时的农业工作。（USCIS）约从2009年以来，严格的移民法在几个州通过，提供了大量实际案例研究。佐治亚州在2011年通过了移民法HB 87；根据堪萨斯顶级企业联盟（the coalition of top Kansas businesses），它的农产品中有50%被遗留在田里腐烂，给州造成了超过4000万美元的损失。这一法案造成的总体损失为10亿美元; 据估计，如果估测的325000名无证工人离开佐治亚州，这一数字将会超过200亿。阿拉巴马州2011年六月对非法移民的取缔使多达8万的无证移民工人离开，其带来的损失估计几乎达到了110亿美元。（Guardian

newspaper，2012）

According to NPR in 2005, about 3% of illegal immigrants

were working in agriculture.[131] The H-2A visa allows U.S.

employers to bring foreign nationals to the United States to fill

temporary agricultural jobs.[132] The passing of tough

immigration laws in several states from around 2009 provides a

number of practical case studies. The state of Georgia passed

immigration law HB 87 in 2011;[133] this led, according to the

coalition of top Kansas businesses, to 50% of its agricultural

produce being left to rot in the fields, at a cost to the state of

more than $400m. Overall losses caused by the act were $1bn; it

was estimated that the figure would become over $20bn if all the

estimated 325,000 undocumented workers left Georgia. The cost

to Alabama of its crackdown in June 2011 has been estimated at

almost $11bn, with up to 80,000 unauthorised immigrant

workers leaving the state.[134]

来自拉丁美洲的移民使美国免于跌落日本或欧洲式的人口悬崖，这是一种有限的资源，因为在美洲和全世界，生育率都在持续下降。（Last，2013）

While immigration from Latin America has kept the United

States from falling off a Japanese or European style demographic

cliff, this is a limited resource as fertility rates continue to decline

throughout the Americas and the world.[135]

据美国国会研究处（Congressional Research Service），从20世纪70年代起，虽然移民到美国增加，报税人中收入较低的90%收入出现了停滞，最终从2000年起开始下降。(Bedard,2015) According

to Congressional Research Service, since the 1970s while

immigration to the United States increased, the lower 90% of tax

filers incomes became stagnant, and eventually began to

decrease since 2000.[136]

社会

Social

爱尔兰移民在19世纪50年代受到了美国本土于1843年在纽约发起的名为―一无所知运动‖的抵制，这场运动源自人们害怕国家受到爱尔兰天主教移民的压迫。在1891年3月14日，一名暴民冲进当地监狱，私刑了几个意大利人，在几个涉嫌参与谋杀新奥尔良警察局长大卫·轩尼诗的西西里岛移民被宣告无罪之后。国会于1921年通过了紧急限额法，其次是1924年移民法。1924年移民法案旨在整体上限制移民，并确保新移民国籍和国家整体框架相匹配。

Irish immigration was opposed in the 1850s by the nativist

Know Nothing movement, originating in New York in 1843. It was

engendered by popular fears that the country was being

overwhelmed by Irish Catholic immigrants. On March 14, 1891, a

lynch mob stormed a local jail and lynched several Italians

following the acquittal of several Sicilian immigrants alleged to

be involved in the murder of New Orleans police chief David

Hennessy. The Congress passed the Emergency Quota Act in

1921, followed by the Immigration Act of 1924. The Immigration

Act of 1924 was aimed at limiting immigration overall, and

making sure that the nationalities of new arrivals matched the

overall national profile.

9·11事件之后，许多美国人对于中东人都难免表现出担忧和怀疑。NPR（美国国家电视台）在2010年解雇了著名黑人评论员胡安·威廉姆斯，当他公开谈到了他在飞机上看到打扮得像穆斯林的人时所产生的恐惧（Juan Williams, 2010）。

After the September 11 attacks, many Americans entertained

doubts and suspicions about people apparently of Middle-Eastern in 2010 fired a prominent black

commentator, Juan Williams, when he talked publicly about his

fears on seeing people dressed like Muslims on airplanes.

少数体之间的确会存在种族主义思想（Ofari, Earl ,2007；Quinones, Sam , 2007），比如黑人移民和韩国移民之间的冲突，特别是1992年洛杉矶，非洲裔移民和非白裔的拉丁移民之间的冲突。非洲裔和墨西哥监狱帮派之间有长久的种族对立，甚至在加利福利亚监狱发生过他们出于种族原因攻击彼此的事件。曾经有过墨西哥人对非裔美国人发起基于种族动机的攻击的报道，因为这些非裔囚犯搬进了被大多数墨西哥人占领的地区，反之亦然（Paul Harris , 2007；Hutchinson, Earl Ofari , 2007）。目前在非西班牙裔盎格鲁美国人和拉丁裔移民之间的暴力事件也在增加，同样的还有非洲移民和非洲裔美国人（Dyer, Ervin , 1969）。

Racist thinking among and between minority groups does

occur;[Ofari, Earl , 2007][ Quinones, Sam , 2007] examples of this

are conflicts between blacks and Korean immigrants, notably in

the 1992 Los Angeles Riots, and between African Americans and

non-white Latino has been a long running

racial tension between African American and Mexican prison

gangs, as well as significant riots in California prisons where they

have targeted each other, for ethnic reasons. There have been

reports of racially motivated attacks against African Americans

who have moved into neighborhoods occupied mostly by people

of Mexican origin, and vice versa.[ Paul Harris , 2007][ Hutchinson,

Earl Ofari , 2007]There has also been an increase in violence

between non-Hispanic Anglo Americans and Latino immigrants,

and between African immigrants and African Americans.[Dyer,

Ervin , 1969]

2007年一项关于同化的研究发现，和非墨西哥西班牙裔移民或者其他移民相比，墨西哥移民的英语不太流利。虽然英语流利程度会随着他们留在美国的时间而提升，但第一个十年后进一步的改进是有限的，墨西哥人永远赶不上西班牙裔，而西班牙后裔永远赶不上非西班牙裔。该研究还写道，―即使是对于那些五岁前来到美国、整个学习阶段都在美国的移民，那些墨西哥裔有平均11.7年的教育水平，然而那些其他国家出生的移民拥有平均水平14.1年的教育。‖不同于其他移民，墨西哥人倾向于居住在其他许多墨西哥人生活的社区，从而降低同化所需的诱因。这样可以消除墨西哥人和其他移民之间一半的流畅性差异。

A 2007 study on assimilation found that Mexican immigrants

are less fluent in English than both non-Mexican Hispanic

immigrants and other immigrants. While English fluency

increases with time stayed in the United States, although further

improvements after the first decade are limited, Mexicans never

catch up with non-Mexican Hispanics, who never catch up with

non-Hispanics. The study also writes that "Even among

immigrants who came to the United States before they were ?ve

years old and whose entire schooling was in the United States,

those Mexican born have average education levels of 11.7 years,

whereas those from other countries have average levels of

education of 14.1 years." Unlike other immigrants, Mexicans have

a tendency to live in communities with many other Mexicans

which decreases incentives for assimilation. Correcting for this

removes about half the fluency difference between Mexicans and

other immigrants.

宗教多样性

Religious diversity

来自南亚和其他地区的移民为扩大美国的宗教组成做出了贡献。伊斯兰教在美国的发展主要是得益于移民问题。还有印度教、佛教和锡克教等例证（Charles H. Lippy,2006）。

Immigration from South Asia and elsewhere has contributed

to enlarging the religious composition of the United States. Islam

in the United States is growing mainly due to immigration.

Hinduism in the United States, Buddhism in the United States,

and Sikhism in the United States are other examples.[ Charles H.

Lippy,2006]

自1992年以来，估计有170万穆斯林，大约100万印度教徒，和大约100万佛教徒合法移民到美国。

Since 1992, an estimated 1.7 million Muslims, approximately

1 million Hindus, and approximately 1 million Buddhists have

immigrated legally to the United States.

政治

Political

一个波士顿环球报的文章把奥巴马在2008年美国总统大选中的胜利归功于过去几十年美国白人选民比例的显著减少，而这个人口变化又可追溯到《移民法案1965》。这篇文章引述了新民主党网的总裁兼创始人西蒙罗森伯格的话，他曾说过，该法案是―从未听说过的立法的最重要部分‖，并认为―它和前三百年相比，它让美国走上了非常特殊的人口方向‖(Peter S. Canellos , 2008)。

A Boston Globe article attributed Barack Obama's win in the

2008 U.S. Presidential election to a marked reduction over the

preceding decades in the percentage of whites in the American

electorate, attributing this demographic change to the

Immigration Act of 1965. The article quoted Simon Rosenberg,

president and founder of the New Democrat Network, as having

said that the

Act is "the most important piece of legislation that no one's

ever heard of," and that it "set America on a very different

demographic course than the previous 300 years."[Peter S.

Canellos , 2008]

移民者们的政治观点不尽同，然而民主党被认为在移民中占据更强有力的地位（Susan , 2007；Fung, Margaret , 2006）。研究表明，宗教信仰也可以显著影响移民的社会价值和投票模式，甚至对更广泛的美国人口产生影响。例如拉美裔福音派，比非西班牙裔福音派更具有保守性。这种趋势往往是相同的，比如西班牙裔或其他强烈认同天主教堂的种族，往往都是坚决反对堕胎和同性恋婚姻的宗教。

Immigrants differ on their political views; however, the

Democratic Party is considered to be in a far stronger position

among immigrants overall.[ Susan , 2007][Fung, Margaret ,

2006]Research shows that religious affiliation can also

significantly impact both their social values and voting patterns

of immigrants, as well as the broader American population.

Hispanic evangelicals, for example, are more strongly

conservative than non-Hispanic trend is often

similar for Hispanics or others strongly identifying with the

Catholic Church, a religion that strongly opposes abortion and

gay marriage.

该移民游说的关键利益体是宗教，种族和商业团体，与一些自由派和保守派的一些公共政策组织在一起。赞成派和反对派都会影响

政策（Giovanni Facchini, Anna Maria Mayda and Prachi

Mishra,2010）。

The key interests groups that lobby on immigration are

religious, ethnic and business groups, together with some liberals

and some conservative public policy organizations. Both the pro-

and anti- groups affect policy.[Giovanni Facchini, Anna Maria

Mayda and Prachi Mishra,2010]

研究表明，一些特殊利益集团为本组织利益时会游说呼吁减少移民，但考虑到其他组织时会呼吁增加移民，因为他们看到了移民的影响，如增加劳动力竞争对本组织是有害的，但与此同时这对其他组织的影响对于他们本组织是有利的。

Studies have suggested that some special interest group

lobby for less immigration for their own group and more

immigration for other groups since they see effects of

immigration, such as increased labor competition, as detrimental

when affecting their own group but beneficial when affecting

other groups.

一篇2007年的研究发现，无论是支持还是反对移民的特殊利益集团都在移民政策中起到不可忽视的作用。在那些商业利益集团话语权更大的行业，迁移壁垒会比较低；而劳工组织力量强大的行业，迁移壁垒则较高。2011年的研究则表明来自熟练劳动力充足地区的议员更愿意支持开放的移民政策，而劳动力水平较低的地区则较为反对这一政策（Steinhardt, 2011）。

A 2007 paper found that both pro- and anti-immigration

special interest groups play a role in migration policy. Barriers to

migration are lower in sectors in which business lobbies incur

larger lobbying expenditures and higher in sectors where labor

unions are more important.A 2011 study examining the voting of

US representatives on migration policy suggests that

"representatives from more skilled labor abundant districts are

more likely to support an open immigration policy towards the

unskilled, whereas the opposite is true for representatives from

more unskilled labor abundant districts."[Steinhardt, 2011]

2010年大选后，拉丁裔的加里·塞古拉说，拉美裔选民极大影响了总统选举结果，甚至拯救了民主党。一些种族游说组织支持移民改革，提倡成功入境的非法移民理应获得公民权；他们也可能为有利于本组织的特殊安排而游说。提倡移民改革的爱尔兰游说主席指出，爱尔

兰游说团将会为任何它能够获得的特殊安排而奋斗，就像我们国家其他每一个种族体那样。为收复失地的民族统一主义者和种族分裂派将来自墨西哥的移民视为巩固事业的途径（Bridget

Johnson,2006）。

After the 2010 election, Gary Segura of Latino Decisions

stated that Hispanic voters influenced the outcome and "may

have saved the Senate for Democrats"Several ethnic lobbies

support immigration reforms that would allow illegal immigrants

that have succeeded in entering to gain citizenship. They may

also lobby for special arrangements for their own group. The

Chairman for the Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform has stated

that "the Irish Lobby will push for any special arrangement it can

get —'as will every other ethnic group in the country.'The

irredentist and ethnic separatist movements for Reconquista and

Aztlán see immigration from Mexico as strengthening their cause.

《种族游说与美国外交政策》（2009年）指出，一些少数民族特殊利益集团参与到提倡移民的游说当中，影响了外交政策。作者写道，在众议院、参议院、州长竞争的选举比赛中，种族矛盾越来越成为种族体和社区的代理战场。另外，种族政治影响政党政治以及团体争夺党内的相对政治权力。但是作者认为，通常来说，当前的民族利益集团在外交政策方面没有太多的影响力，也很难平衡其他特殊利益集团（David M. Paul and Rachel Anderson Paul, 2009）。

The book Ethnic Lobbies and US Foreign Policy (2009) states

that several ethnic special interest groups are involved in pro-immigration lobbying. Ethnic lobbies also influence foreign

policy. The authors write that "Increasingly, ethnic tensions

surface in electoral races, with House, Senate, and gubernatorial

contests serving as proxy battlegrounds for antagonistic ethno-racial groups and communities. In addition, ethnic politics affect

party politics as well, as groups compete for relative political

power within a party". However, the authors argue that currently

ethnic interest groups, in general, do not have too much power

in foreign policy and can balance other special interest

groups.[David M. Paul and Rachel Anderson Paul, 2009]

在2012年的新闻中，路透社报道说，―美国人口增长最快的拉美裔体帮助总统奥巴马改变了命运，使其成功连任‖。

In a 2012 news story, Reuters reported, "Strong support from

Hispanics, the fastest-growing demographic in the United States,

helped tip President Barack Obama's fortunes as he secured a

second term in the White House, according to Election Day

polling."

最近，州长鲍比金达尔和苏珊娜·马丁内斯等几个共和党领导人进行了交谈，探讨一种全新的、友好的移民方式。美国前商务部长古铁雷斯正在推进创建共和党移民改革（Peter Wallsten , 2012；Susana

Martinez, 2012）。

Lately, there is talk among several Republican leaders, such

as governors Bobby Jindal and Susana Martinez, of taking a new,

friendlier approach to immigration. Former US Secretary of

Commerce Carlos Gutierrez is promoting the creation of

Republicans

健康

Health

for Immigration Reform.[Peter Wallsten ,

2012][Susana Martinez, 2012]

移民的健康问题和相关的公共开支问题早已广为探讨。在非紧急情况下使用急诊室，表面上表示移民无力支付医疗费用，但一些研究认为其实质上反映了移民很难享受免费医疗服务。

（Brown, Richard, 1998）。出于各种原因，关于移民究竟占用了多少公共卫生支出存在着广泛争议（Simon, Juliana ,1995）。美国马里兰大学经济学家、卡托研究所学者朱利安林肯西蒙于1995年得出结论，虽然移民在医疗健康体系中可能付出的比他们投入的多，但并不包括老年移民和难民，他们的生存更依赖于公共服务（Simon,1995）。

The issue of the health of immigrants and the associated cost

to the public has been largely discussed. The non-emergency use

of emergency rooms ostensibly indicates an incapacity to pay, yet

some studies allege disproportionately lower access to unpaid

health care by immigrants.[Brown, Richard, 1998] For this and

other reasons, there have been various disputes about how much

immigration is costing the United States public health

system.[Simon, Juliana ,1995] University of Maryland economist

and Cato Institute scholar Julian Lincoln Simon concluded in 1995

that while immigrants probably pay more into the health system

than they take out, this is not the case for elderly immigrants and

refugees, who are more dependent on public services for

survival.[ Simon,1995]

来自疾病高发区的移民可能会造成发病率较低地区的结核病、美洲锥虫病和肝炎的复发。据美国疾病控制和预防中心（CDC）研究，在国外出生的结核病患者的数量是在美国本土出生的患者的九倍。为了降低疾病低发区的患病风险，主要对策即为对入境移民进行筛选。HIV / AIDS大约在1969年进入美国，可能是由海地某一感染疾病的移民带来的（Dunham, Will, 2007；Bowdler, Neil, 2007）。相反，墨西哥许多新增的艾滋病病毒感染者则可追溯到美国。从1987年开始，艾滋病患者禁止进入美国，但支持这项禁令的1993年法规于2009年

被废除。人们希望行政部门将艾滋病从禁止移民的感染疾病名单中删除，但这类移民通常需要证明他们不会对公共福利造成负担。研究人员还发现了所谓的―健康移民效应‖，移民往往比在美国出生的人更加健康。

Immigration from areas of high incidences of disease is

thought to have fueled the resurgence of tuberculosis (TB),

chagas, and hepatitis in areas of low incidence..According to

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), TB cases

among foreign-born individuals remain disproportionately high,

at nearly nine times the rate of U.S.-born reduce the

risk of diseases in low-incidence areas, the main countermeasure

has been the screening of immigrants on /AIDS

entered the United States in around 1969, likely through a single

infected immigrant from Haiti.[Dunham, Will, 2007][Bowdler, Neil,

2007]Conversely, many new HIV infections in Mexico can be

traced back to the United States. People infected with HIV were

banned from entering the United States in 1987 by executive

order, but the 1993 statute supporting the ban was lifted in 2009.

The executive branch is expected to administratively remove HIV

from the list of infectious diseases barring immigration, but

immigrants generally would need to show that they would not

be a burden on public welfare. Researchers have also found what

is known as the "healthy immigrant effect", in which immigrants

in general tend to be healthier than individuals born in the U.S.

犯罪

Crime

大多数研究表明，移民在美国被捕的统计数据代表性不足。但是，也有数据表明，来自世界各地的贫困地区农村移民的孩子往往比本土出生的儿童有更高的逮捕率，他们的父母也是如此。托尼·沃特斯写道，这是居住在城市中贫困地区的移民父母之间的副产品。当移民家庭的

子女开始形成同龄人之间的亚文化时，这种情况更为普遍。1999年，John Hagan and Alberto